X-Git-Url: https://projects.mako.cc/source/bmh-research_statement/blobdiff_plain/a044ac11ed5e8ff5052a710cede57b74f01bc9f3..2d8640cdc15752dec4daa249664baf86884a4085:/research_statement.tex diff --git a/research_statement.tex b/research_statement.tex index f9b94b5..ede334a 100644 --- a/research_statement.tex +++ b/research_statement.tex @@ -49,40 +49,40 @@ \maketitle -My research is focused on collective action in online communities and -seeks to understand why some attempts at collaborative production -- -like Wikipedia and Linux -- build large volunteer communities while -the vast majority never attract even a second contributor. I am -particularly interested in how the design of communication and -information technologies shape social outcomes like the decision to -join a community or contribute to a public good. My research is deeply -interdisciplinary and lies at the intersection of sociology, -communication, and human-computer interaction. I combine data from -online communities that make failures of collective action newly -visible with ``big data'' research methods from software engineering -to answer fundamental social scientific questions. - -Seeking to understand the determinants of collective action, my -research has been driven by three overlapping themes: (1) -population-level observational studies comparing failures to build -communities to the rare successful attempts; (2) attention to the role -of reputation and status in collective action; and (3) analyses of -design changes treated as ``natural experiments'' to build a deeper, -and often causal, understanding of social processes from observational -data. Almost all of my work incorporates at least two of these themes. - -\section{Population-Level Observational Studies} +I study collective action in online communities and seek to understand +why some attempts at collaborative production -- like Wikipedia and +Linux -- build large volunteer communities while the vast majority +never attract even a second contributor. I am particularly interested +in how the design of communication and information technologies shape +fundemental social outcomes with broad theoretical and practical +implications -- like the decision to join a community or contribute to +a public good. My research is deeply interdisciplinary, consists +primarily of ``big data'' quantitative analyses, and lies at the +intersection of sociology, communication, and human-computer +interaction. + +Using Internet-based peer production projects as my research settings, +my work seeks to understand the conditions for collective action using +observational data from real communities. This work has been shaped +by three complentary approaches: (1) the comparison of failures to +build communities to rare successful attempts through the use of +projects as the unit of analysis; (2) attention to the role of +reputation and status in the mobilization of volunteers; and (3) +analysis of design changes as ``natural experiments'' building a +deeper, and often causal, understanding of social processes using +observational data. Nearly all of my work incorporates at least two of +these approaches. + +\section{Projects As Unit of Analysis} Although there have been many thousands of studies of online -collective action and peer production, the vast majority of these -studies have only considered successful projects like Wikipedia and -GNU/Linux. The majority of research on collective action -- both -online and off -- has only considered projects that have successfully -mobilized contributors. In this sense, most previous analyses of -collection action have systematically selected on their dependent -variable. Most of my research treats projects as the unit of analysis -and mobilization as the dependent variable, comparing successful -examples of collective actions to failures. +collective action the vast majority have only considered successful +projects like Wikipedia and Linux. The majority of research on +collective action -- on and offline -- has only considered projects +that have successfully mobilized. In this sense, most previous +analyses of collection action have systematically selected on their +dependent variable. Most of my research treats projects as the unit of +analysis and collective action as the outcome of interest. % \begin{wrapfigure}{r}{0.4\textwidth} % \begin{centering} @@ -96,35 +96,44 @@ examples of collective actions to failures. \begin{wrapfigure}{r}{2.6in} \begin{centering} \includegraphics[width=2.6in]{figures/scratch_screenshot_default.png} - \caption{A screenshot of the Scratch desktop programming environment + \caption{A screenshot of the Scratch programming environment where users create animations and interactive games.} \label{fig:scratchapp} \end{centering} \vspace{-2em} \end{wrapfigure} - -For example, in a working paper that is part of my dissertation, I -compare Wikipedia to seven attempts to create online collaborative -encyclopedia projects that were launched before Wikipedia -\cite{hill_almost_2012}. Using a inductive, grounded-theory based +In one study, I compare Wikipedia to seven attempts to create online +collaborative encyclopedia projects that were launched previously +\cite{hill_almost_2012}. Using an inductive, grounded-theory based analysis of founder interviews and archival data, I propose four -hypothesis for why Wikipedia built a large community while extremely -similar projects struggled to do so. Although the paper's methods -diverge from the quantitative, ``big data'' approach typical of most -of my work, the research question and strategy is representative. - -I have also addressed this question in a series of quantitative -studies of the Scratch online community: a public website with a large -community of users who create, share, and remix interactive media. The +hypothesis to explain why Wikipedia attracted many more +contributors. Although the paper's methods diverge from the +quantitative, ``big data'' approach typical of most of my work, the +research question and strategy is representative. + +I have also followed this strategy in a series of quantitative +studies of the Scratch online community: a public website where a large +community of users create, share, and remix interactive media. The community is built around the Scratch programming environment: a freely downloadable desktop application that allows amateur creators to combine media with programming code (see Figure -\ref{fig:scratchapp}. Despite the fact that Scratch is a community +\ref{fig:scratchapp}). Despite the fact that Scratch is a community designed to promote collaboration through content remixing, only about -ten percent of Scratch projects will attract even a second +ten percent of Scratch projects attract a second contributor. +In one study, forthcoming in American Behavioral Scientist, I test +several of the most widely cited theories associated with +``generativity'' (i.e., qualities of technology or content that make +some works more fertile ground for collaboration). I find some support +for existing theory but also find that, across the board, factors +associated with more collaboration are also associated with less +original and transformative types of joint-work +\cite{hill_remixing_2012}. In another study of Scratch, I show that +this type of superficial collaboration leads to negative reactions and +community displeasure \cite{hill_responses_2010}. + \begin{wrapfigure}{l}{2.6in} \begin{centering} \includegraphics[width=2.6in]{figures/frontpage_modified-topremix.png} @@ -135,40 +144,26 @@ contributor. \vspace{-2em} \end{wrapfigure} -In one study, forthcoming in American Behavioral Scientist, I test -three of the most commonly cited theories associated with -``generativity'' (i.e., qualities of technology or content that make -some works more fertile group for collaboration). I find some support -for previous theories but also find that, across the board, factors -associated with increased collaboration are associated with less -original and less transformative modes of joint-work -\cite{hill_remixing_2012}. In another published study using data from -Scratch, I show that more superficial collaboration leads to negative -reactions and displeasure in the community -\cite{hill_responses_2010}. - -I am conducting a similar population based analysis in a new dataset I -have created with a population of 80,000 public attempts at ``wikis'' -(i.e., public websites using the same infrastructure as Wikipedia). In -a working paper using this dataset, I consider inter-organizational -effects of competition for volunteer labor and find little support for -a widely cited ecological model of collective action from sociology -that treats volunteer labor as fixed and finite resource. Using data -on wikis hosted by both Wikia and the Wikimedia Foundation, I show -that contributions across peer production projects are driven by -environment-level changes in interest and that projects can even -benefit from complimentarities between similar projects +This year, I am conducting a population-level analysis in a new +dataset I have created that includes 80,000 attempts at wikis (i.e., +public, editable, websites similar to Wikipedia). In my first working +paper using this dataset, I consider inter-organizational effects of +competition for volunteer labor and find little support for a widely +cited ecological model of collective action from sociology that treats +volunteer labor as a fixed and finite resource. Instead, I show that +contributions to different wikis on the same topic or theme are driven +primarily by environment-level changes in interest and that projects +may even benefit from complimentarities and synergies \cite{hill_is_2012}. \section{Reputation and Status} Although empirical research comparing successful and unsuccessful peer -projects has been rare, theories offering to explain the success of -collective action online have been widespread. No theory has been more -influential or widespread than the suggestion that, in the absence of -pecuniary rewards, engagement in collective action in online -communities is driven by the possibility of increased reputation and -status conferred upon contributors to an online public good. +production projects has been rare, theories have been widespread. No +theory has been more influential than the suggestion that, in the +absence of pecuniary rewards, contributions to online public goods are +driven by the possibility of increased reputation and status for +contributors. \begin{wrapfigure}{r}{0.3\textwidth} \vspace{-1em} @@ -182,66 +177,65 @@ status conferred upon contributors to an online public good. \end{wrapfigure} In a study of status-based awards in Wikipedia called ``barnstars'' -(see Figure \ref{fig:barnstar}) that I will be submitting to a major -sociology journal by the end of this year, I provide an empirical test -of an influential status-based theory of collective action from +(see Figure \ref{fig:barnstar}) I provide an empirical test of an +influential status-based theory of collective action from sociology. Although the study finds support for the widely -hypothesized virtuous cycle of status rewarding active contributors, -it also finds that these effects are limited to a sub-population of -Wikipedia contributors -- i.e., those who show their awards off to -others in virtual trophy cases \cite{hill_status_2012}. This result +hypothesized ``virtuous cycle'' of status rewards both causing and +being caused by contributions, it also finds that this effect is +limited to a sub-population of Wikipedia contributors -- ``signalers'' +who show off their awards \cite{hill_status_2012}. This result has broad implications for both status-based theories of collective -action as well the design of reputation-based reward systems. +action as well the design of reputation-based rewards. -In another study of Scratch, nominated for best paper at the CHI 2011 -conference \cite{monroy-hernandez_computers_2011}, I paired a -quantitative analysis of a design change with in-depth interviews of -users to demonstrate how credit-giving is ineffective when it stems -from an automated system because the system fails to reinforce -status-ordering through credible human expressions of social deference -and gratitude. +In a mixed methods study of Scratch, nominated for best paper at the +CHI 2011 conference \cite{monroy-hernandez_computers_2011}, I +present both a quantitative analysis of a design change and in-depth +interviews of users to demonstrate how credit-giving is ineffective +when it stems from an automated system because systems fail to +reinforce status-ordering with credible human expressions of social +deference and gratitude. +%\newpage \section{Design-Driven Natural Experiments} +Although nearly all of my work has important implications for the +design of socio-technical systems, I have structured much of my work +around the evaluation of technological design changes. In several +papers, I treat design changes as ``natural experiments'' that +exogenously change the ways that social structure is enacted. By doing +so, I can both build causal understandings of social phenomena from +field data, and can tighten the distance between theory and design. + \begin{wrapfigure}{r}{0.25\textwidth} + \vspace{-1em} \begin{centering} \includegraphics[width=1.5in]{figures/lilypad.png} \caption{A image of the LilyPad Arduino microcontroller.} \label{fig:lilypad} \end{centering} + \vspace{-1em} \end{wrapfigure} -Although nearly all of my work has important implications for the -design of socio-technical systems, I have structured much of my work -around the evaluation of design interventions. In several papers, I -treat design changes in technologies as ``natural experiments'' that -exogenously change the ways that social structure is enacted in order -to both build causal understanding from field data and to tighten the -distance between theories and and design. - For example, to evaluate the impact of status-based incentives and collaboration in Scratch, I use a regression discontinuity framework -to measure the causal effect of increased status for collaboration in -Scratch \cite{hill_causal_2012}. In that study, which I am preparing -for submission to a communication journal this fall, I show that the -highlighting the work of the authors of collaborative projects on the -Scratch web page (see the bottom of Figure \ref{fig:scratchfrontpage}) -resulted in more collaboration but also caused a decrease in the -amount of total effort exerted by contributors. Speaking to -fundamental sociological work in the literature on collective action, -I present evidence that this decrease is driven by both an the influx -of new contributors and a decrease in the effort and contributions of -established contributors. - -In other papers, I have helped analyze sales records of hobbyists -microcontrollers to suggest that relatively simple design changes in -the \emph{LilyPad Arduino} -- a electronics toolkit minimally -re-designed for women and girls (see Figure \ref{fig:lilypad}) -- can -lead to large increases in the proportion of women contributors -through important shifts in the type of projects created -\cite{buechley_lilypad_2010}. In other work, I have explored how -technical errors may be able to provide similar opportunities for -analysis \cite{hill_revealing_2010}. +to measure the causal effect of increased status for collaboration +\cite{hill_causal_2012}. I show that highlighting collaborative +projects on the Scratch web page (see the bottom of Figure +\ref{fig:scratchfrontpage}) resulted in more collaboration but also +caused a decrease in the amount of total effort exerted by +contributors. Speaking to fundamental sociological work in the +literature on collective action, I present evidence that this decrease +is driven by both an the influx of new contributors and a decrease in +the effort and contributions of established participants. + +In other work, I have analyzed sales records of hobbyist +microcontrollers to argue that relatively simple design changes in the +\emph{LilyPad Arduino} -- a electronics toolkit minimally re-designed +for women and girls (see Figure \ref{fig:lilypad}) -- lead to large +increases in the proportion of women contributors and drastic shifts +in the type of projects created \cite{buechley_lilypad_2010}. I have +also explored how technical errors may be able to provide similar +opportunities for analysis \cite{hill_revealing_2010}. % or changes in socio-technical systems describing responsibility for a piece of software can lead to an important impact in the type and structure of contributions in peer production \cite{michlmayr_quality_2003} @@ -249,54 +243,53 @@ analysis \cite{hill_revealing_2010}. My research agenda involves further exploration of the determinants of collection action online -- especially using a series of large new -datasets I have built in my dissertation research. I plan to both -continue this research trajectory and to create new social and -technical infrastructure that will allow others researchers to join me -in the type ``big data'' observational research in active communities -that my research involves. This section outlines some future -directions I plan to explore. - -\emph{Toolkits for Experimental Social Design} -- My research has been -possible through relationships I have with a series of organizations -with large active online communities (e.g., the MIT Media Lab and the -Wikimedia Foundation). These organizations, like many others, make -design changes to the software that supports their communities to -encourage contributions and improve aspects of their users' -experiences. Most of the time, these organizations have very little -idea if these changes work. I plan to build on my own experience -evaluating natural experiments in online communities to create a -technical framework, and a network of academic and practitioner -collaborators, to facilitate well-designed experiments by the hosts of -large online communities and a system for data sharing that allows for -academic evaluation of these experiments. +datasets I have recently assembled. I plan to both continue on this +research trajectory and to create new social and technical +infrastructure that will allow others researchers to join me in ``big +data'' observational research with active communities. This section +outlines some future directions I plan to explore. \emph{Understanding the Relationship Between Collective Action and Performance} -- My work has treated collective action and production as ends in themselves and has largely avoided the consideration of -issues of performance, efficiency, or quality. Using my existing -datasets, I will compare the performance of collaborative production -to individually produced works to understand when successful -collection action leads to higher performance or quality. In a -manuscript currently under review using data from Scratch, I show -important limitations of collaboration in remixing quality, -particularly in regards to more artistic or media-intensive projects -\cite{hill_cost_2012}. I will further explore this direction in future -work. - -\emph{Integrated Theory of Design for Collective Action} -- -My studies of status provide a detailed understanding of the dynamics -of collection action in relation to one important independent -variable. In future work, I plan to evaluate the effect of governance -and different systems of authority, framing, modularity and project -complexity. In the long term, I hope to work toward a broad set of -principles of design for collection action and community. - -In graduate school, I have been fortunate to collaborate with many -co-authors in many academic departments and I intend to continue this -tradition going forward. In sum, my research uses design to contribute -to social scientific theories of collective action, and using theories -of collective action to influence design and offers implications and -opportunities for a broad range of disciplines and fields. +issues of performance, efficiency, and quality. Using my existing +datasets, I plan to compare the performance of collaborative +production to individually produced works to understand when +successful collection action leads to increased performance. For +example, in a manuscript currently under review using data from +Scratch, I show important limitations of collaboration through +remixing in regards to project quality, particularly for more artistic +or media-intensive works \cite{hill_cost_2012}. + +\emph{Integrated Theory of Design for Collective Action} -- My studies +of status and reputation provide a detailed understanding of the dynamics of +collection action in relation to one set of important predictors. In future +work, I plan to evaluate the effect of governance and different +systems of authority, framing, modularity and project complexity. In +the long term, I hope to offer a broad set of principles of +design for online collection action and community. + +\emph{Toolkits for Experimental Social Design} -- My research has been +possible through personal relationships I have with a series of +organizations with large, active, online communities (e.g., the MIT +Media Lab and the Wikimedia Foundation). These organizations, like +many others, make design changes to the software that supports their +communities to encourage contributions and improve users' +experiences. Most of the time, these organizations have very little +idea if these changes are effective. I plan to seek funding for, and +to create, a technical framework and a network of academic and +practitioner collaborators, to facilitate well-designed natural +experiments by the hosts of large online communities and to share data +that allows for academic evaluation of these experiments. + +Although I study cooperation, I also practice it. In graduate school, +I have collaborated with a large and engaged group of co-authors in +many academic departments. I intend to continue doing so. In sum, my +research uses design to contribute to social scientific theories of +collective action, and uses theories of collective action to influence +design. Although my research settings are online communities, I +believe my work has implications for a broad range of disciplines and +fields. % bibliography here \renewcommand{\bibsection}{\section{\bibname}\prebibhook}